Uninsured and I Vote.' Will Term Paper

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And any reform process will produce some initial pain: the voting "middle class may be dissatisfied but most of them have employer insurance, so they have something to lose...They are not prepared for a national experiment that will threaten what they have" (Arnst 2007:1).

Currently, none of the Republican candidates have issued detailed plans. Hillary Clinton has put forth a proposal requiring all Americans to have health insurance, through their employers, through an expanded version of the insurance available to federal employees, or through a new government-run Medicare style plan. Tax subsidies and credits will cover the premiums, "and no one could be turned down by an insurer for a pre-existing condition or other health issues" (Arnst 2007:2). Senator Barack Obama also says he will mandate that everyone buys insurance. But no candidate, regardless of how detailed or vague their plan, can iron out all of the specifics before he or she comes in contact with the various bureaucratic institutions and interests represented by Congress, and no matter what their plan, any legislative initiative as complex as health care will create some initial losers as well as winners.

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This article raises a central question: how effective are the current democratic discourse and news organizations in addressing issues of healthcare reform? The media may do a good job painting a picture of candidate's personalities, but when it comes to rather dull, involved, and detail-heavy initiatives like insurance, it will invariably fall short. And candidates use the media to convey their messages. Polls suggest that candidates are assessed in terms of their stated commitment to change the health care system. Unable to fully imagine the real-world implications of a complex policy, rhetoric wins over reality, and the dullness of details. But what will happen when the plan must be implemented?

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