Immigration and Assimilation Immigration & Research Paper

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2009, p.90).

The composition of the immigrant population could also affect receptivity. For example, length of U.S. residence and cultural and linguistic fluency can make immigrant workers more acceptable, and thus result in higher wages. "In the short run, immigrants earn significantly less than native-born workers…In industrialized countries, there is apparently a tendency for citizens to be less willing to take on certain menial and low-status jobs as economies advance…Thus, immigrants compensate for their lower earnings by putting in more working hours with their strong motivation to work... immigrants generally improve their wage returns to their human capital with increasing length of stay in the host country" (Takei et al. 2009, p.77) However, if prejudices against immigrants continue unabated, it is possible that this cultural legacy of employment may be hard to shake off even for long-time residents, despite the researcher's contention that, regardless of state: "With increasing time in the United States, Mexican immigrants have higher rates of English fluency, higher levels of education, higher presence in higher-status occupations, higher labor market wages, and lower poverty rates" (Takei et al. 2009, p.77).

Acculturation does not always come so easily to many immigrant groups, argues Araujo Dawson in her study of Dominican women and the psychological stresses of acculturation from Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. Dawson states that there is a strong correlation between experiencing employment discrimination and stress levels. But her results were ambiguous. On one hand, apparent assimilation in physicality and dress facilitated higher wages, less discrimination and less stress for female workers: "factors such as lighter skin color, higher socioeconomic and immigration status have been identified as diminishing the negative affects of such discriminatory events" (Dawson 2008, p. 97). But regardless of physical appearance, having strong cultural ties to the Dominican community could result in stress reduction: some types of "acculturation moderated the impact that discriminatory experiences had on the stress level of Dominican women" (Dawson 2008, p.

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96). Biculturalism seemed to be the least stressful option for the women whose stress levels were measured in response to discriminatory events -- those with high levels of assimilation without an adequate social support system characterized themselves as highly stressed as did those facing profound linguistic or cultural barriers (Dawson 2008, p.106). A bicultural attitude could act as a buffer against stress levels.

Psychological resilience is important for all individuals who experience discrimination and although assimilation may be correlated to economic prosperity, there may be some psychological losses for those who try too hard to 'blend in.' Dawson's research suggests a need to counteract the psychological impact detailed in Takei's research regarding social prejudice and its economic effects. Humanizing anti-immigration laws is an important first step, but within immigrant communities there must be a support structure that facilitates assimilation in positive ways (such as learning the language). A sense of community can provide a psychological (and also perhaps a political, lobbying) force against employment prejudice and prejudices expressed in government and through the legal system.

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